Assessments

Loraine D. Cook
December 3, 2013

This study sought to determine the root causes of absenteeism in selected primary schools in Jamaica by investigating the influence of personal, educational, and community factors on student absenteeism from school. Data collection techniques involved the use of focus group interviews with parents, teachers, and community members from 71 schools, and with students (aged 7–12 years) from 10 of these schools, who were identified as having very low attendance rates. The findings suggest that the causal factors for absenteeism do not find their genesis in the family only, but also in the schools, the communities, and the students themselves. These factors combine to accentuate absenteeism in primary school in the rural areas of Jamaica.

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USAID
April 11, 2005

From April 11 – 22, 2005, a four-person team from the Washington, D.C.-based Safe Schools (DevTech SSP)1 traveled to Malawi to conduct a school-related gender-based violence (SRGBV) assessment. The DevTech Safe Schools Team was comprised of four DevTech Systems, Inc. employees: Program Director Maryce Ramsey, Youth and Reproductive Health Specialist Cate Lane, Education Specialist Nina Etyemezian, and Qualitative Researcher Ji Sun Lee. Also participating in the assessment was Julie Hanson Swanson, DevTech SSP’s Cognizant Technical Officer from the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), Economic Growth, Agriculture, and Trade/Office of Women in Development (EGAT/WID).

Objectives
The overall objectives of this first exploratory trip were to:
• Assess existing programs for their capacity to address SRGBV;
• Understand the nature of SRGBV in Jamaica; and
• Identify individuals and organizations from the key informant interviews to serve as local
partners.

Methodology
Over the course of the visit, the Team collected data, reports, and materials, conducted openended interviews, and semi-structured focus groups with key stakeholders recommended by the USAID/Jamaica and/or other informants. The Team examined programs and structures at multiple levels: national, institutional, community, and individual. The Team interviewed representatives from the Ministry of Education, Youth and Culture (MoEYC), the Ministry of Health (MoH), the Ministry of National Security (MoNS), USAID partners, other international donors and organizations, local non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and community level
organizations (e.g., Parent Teacher Associations [PTAs]) to identify:

(a) Types of gender-based violence;
(b) Issues and gaps;
(c) Promising programs and organizations; and
(d) Recommendations.

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USAID
January 1, 2011

This white paper discusses the lessons learned while anticipating the challenges of sustaining the CETT program after the end of USAID funding. The CETTs worked closely with USAID to prepare for the continuation of the program at the regional, national, and local levels. The paper examines the political, financial, institutional, and social sustainability dimensions of these efforts.

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USAID

This white paper discusses the systemic change in the behaviors and attitudes of CETT stakeholder groups, including school administrators, teacher trainers, teachers, parents, and students. CETT’s teacher training model stressed the inclusion of stakeholders at all levels to promote the importance of reading and writing. Achievement of the program’s intended effects depended on the willingness of the institutions and individuals involved to change their behaviors. This paper highlights the lessons learned and best practices in promoting this change.

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USAID

Paper One: Regional Nature This white paper discusses the challenges, successes, and lessons learned implementing a regional model for teacher training. The regional nature of CETT differentiated this program from other, strictly national, teacher professional development efforts undertaken by USAID. Three CETTs in the Caribbean, Central and South America underwent a significant process of compromise and cooperation to arrive at their regional models and this paper documents the initiatives taken.

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A stratified survey in 3 areas in June 1993 to determine the existing attitudes and knowledge about disability prior to commencing a public education programme. The 3 areas had 300 persons each, of 5 age (15 to 59) and 12 occupational groups with a minimum of 30 in each group. The questions were divided into 5 main categories, namely, supernatural beliefs, misconceptions about behaviour and expectations for people with disabilities, denial of human rights, feelings of competency and willingness to help people with disabilities, and knowledge about disability services.

Supernatural beliefs were held by a significant minority of Jamaicans, with superstitions less prevalent (18%) than the idea that disabled children are "sent by God" (40%). These beliefs are significant if held by parents, because they may interfere with intervention efforts or may encourage isolation and "putting away the child". Perhaps these are also the reasons for some of the most pervasive misconceptions, that is, the preference for special schools and special homes. The most negative misconceptions were rejected by an average of 68% of persons, though a realistic 26% thought that disabled persons could be a burden sometimes. People are not aware that people with disabilities can get adequate training and rehabilitation in their own homes. The need for training seems to be well accepted, but the rights to full participation and equality of opportunity are not. Questions on job opportunities and the cost of services showed that only 50% of the respondents recognised the equal rights of people with disabilities to education and jobs. The positive assertion by 96% that programmes should be shared by the government and the community, was accompanied by an expression of personal willingness to help a neighbour or to volunteer if training was provided. It was concluded that the most significant barriers will be some persistent supernatural beliefs, lack of awareness of the possibility that community and home based services can be effective, the persistent belief that special institutions are best, and the lack of recognition of some human rights, particularly full participation, integration and equality of opportunity. There does however, appear to be a willingness to help.

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Since 1980 the parent movement in the Caribbean has gathered strength, especially in relation to families whose children have a developmental disability. To a great extent, much of this change has come about because of the sharing of experiences and training facilitated by the Caribbean Association on Mental Retardation and Other Developmental Disabilities (CAMRODD) from 1970 onwards.

As professionals working with developmentally disabled children in Jamaica, the first and most obvious gap seemed to be the lack of services to families at crucial times, such as at diagnosis, at school entry, adolescence and later adulthood.

This chapter traces the evolution of the voluntary and parent movement in Jamaica. Drawing on examples from the Caribbean, we will show how parent training and the intimate involvement of families in community based services has resulted in more participation by relatives, the benefits it has brought to families and the leadership roles now undertaken by parents. The process, and the progress however, is slow.

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Patricia Daniel
July 1, 2003

Compilation of the work carried out by Dasmine Kennedy between January 2002 and March 2003 to support small-scale action research projects, which aimed to address student under-achievement in 15 remote rural schools. Highlights the positive impact on teachers, schools, families and communities as well as students. Includes reports from the action researchers themselves.

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Peter Dougill
March 7, 2011

Evidence gathered from the range of sources consulted during the course of this project can be summarised as follows.

In outstanding schools, leadership is inspirational in providing clear vision and direction. Leaders who take a school from good to outstanding focus on: raising attainment and accelerating progress; improving the quality of teaching and learning; improving the conditions for learning; and developing the school as a professional learning community.

Outstanding schools place high expectations on all their students. They have a broad range of curricula to engage and support students, personalised to accommodate individual aptitudes and needs. Outstanding schools insist on excellence in the quality of classroom teaching, and have systems in place which mean that leaders know the strengths and weaknesses of all the teaching staff.

They operate an evidence-based approach to what is happening in classrooms. If staff teach less than very well, arrangements are in place to offer support. At the same time, outstanding schools have a relaxed collegiate culture in which teaching and classroom management ideas are shared unselfishly and problems acknowledged without fear of blame.

One of the key indicators of school effectiveness, firmly in place in outstanding schools, is the setting of challenging targets and the good use of arrangements for assessing and tracking pupils’ progress. These arrangements are supported by sophisticated information technology to which all relevant staff have access.

Outstanding schools are highly inclusive, having regard for the educational progress, personal development and well-being of every student. They prove that socio-economic disadvantage need not be a barrier to achievement. Speaking English as an additional language can support academic success. Senior leaders make sure that the professional development of all staff, teaching and non-teaching, is relevant, continuous and of high quality. Most of this professional development takes place in school.

Building and retaining links with parents and local communities is integral to raising aspirations and ambitions for children in outstanding schools. They are also broad in their outlook, for example by having links with schools in other countries. Outstanding schools may well take on a responsibility to support other schools which need to improve.

A key difference between being a good school and being an outstanding school involves going beyond tight quality controls towards the quality assurance of a self-confident, self-critical community in which learning is interactive and permanent.

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Maria A. Rodgers
February 2, 2009

This study used path analytic techniques and an ecological framework to examine the association between children’s perceptions of their parents’ educational involvement, children’s personal characteristics, and their school achievement. Fathers’ academic pressure was predictive of lower achievement, whereas mothers’ encouragement and support predicted higher achievement. Both parents used more academic pressure with their sons, whereas using more encouragement and support with their daughters. The effects of parental involvement were mediated through children’s academic competence. This study demonstrates the interactive influences of parents’ educational involvement and children’s personal characteristics in predicting school achievement. Implications for practice and research in school psychology are presented.

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